Thursday, April 7, 2011
Mawaziri wa Umoja wa Ulaya waijadili Ureno
Mawaziri wa Italia na Ufaransa wakutana
Rais Saleh akaidi kujiuzulu
Rais Alli Abdullah Saleh wa Yemeni ameukataa mpango wa mataifa ya eneo la Ghuba wa kumtaka aondoke nchini humo kwa lengo la kumaliza umwagikaji wa damu wakati huu ambapo polisi nchini humo wameuwa waandamanaji wawili na kujeruhi wengine kadhaa. Walioshuhudia wanasema watu hao wamepigwa risasi katika mji wa Taez uliopo upande wa kusini mwa mji mkuu wa Sanaa. Rais Saleh amewaambia wafuasi wake nguvu zao zimetokana na ai ya umm wa Yemen na wala sio kutoka kwa Qatar, wala mtu mwingine yeyote. Kauli hiyo ameitoa siku moja baada ya Waziri Mkuu wa Qatar, Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem al-Thani kusema nchi wanachama wa Baraza la Ushirikiano la nchi za Ghuba zina matumaini ya kufikia makubaliano na rais Saleh ajiuzulu.
NATO imekiri kuwauwa waasi nchini Libya
Jumuiya ya Kujihami wa NATO imekiri kuwa mashambulizi yake ya angani huenda yaliwaua waasi kadhaa nchini Libya wakati ilipovishambulia kimakosa vifaru vya waasi nje ya mji wa Brega nchini Libya. Pamoja na kusikitishwa na tukio hilo lililosababisha vifo vya watu wanne na wengine sita kutojulikana walipo, NATO imesema haikujua kwamba waasi nao wanatumia vifaru katika operesheni yao dhidi ya Gadhafi. Msemaji wa NATO, Russ Harding amesema hali ilivyo katika uwanja wa mapambano nchini LIbya inatatanisha. Wakati huo huo, Uturuki nchi mwanachama wa NATO, inajaribu kutafuta suluhu nchini Libya. Waziri Mkuu wa Uturuki, Recep Tayyip Erdogan amesema anafanya mazungumzo na pande zote mbili, na anataka kuanzisha njia za kupitishia misaada ya kibinadamu na kutekeleza mageuzi ya kidemokrasia. Lakini msemaji wa upinzani amekataa mazungumzo ya aina yoyote na Gadhafi na kumtaka aondoke madarakani.
Uhuru Kenyata na wenzake wamepanda kizimbani ICC
Mahakama ya Kimatiafa ya ICC imesema itaamua ikiwa Naibu Waziri Mkuu wa Kenya, Uhuru Kenyata na Wanasiasa wengine wawili wana kesi ya kujibu ama la ifikapo septemba 21 mwaka huu.Watatu hao walipanda kizimbani leo kusikiliza mashitaka yanayowakabili kuhusiano na machafuko ya baada ya uchaguzi mkuu wa 2007 nchini Kenya. Awali Ekaterina Trendafilova, Rais wa Mahakama hiyo aliwakaribisha wanasiasa hao akiwemo Mshirika wa Karibu wa Rais Kibaki Francis Muthaura pamoja na Mkuu wa zamani wa Jeshi la Polisi Mohamed Hussein Ali. Mapema jana Waziri wa zamani wa Elimu ya Juu, William Ruto, Waziri wa Zamani wa Viwanda, Henry Kosegey na Mtangazaji wa Radio, Joshua Arap Sang walifika kwenye ukumbi huo wa mahakama na kuarifiwa mashitaka yao. Hata hivyo mahakama ya ICC iliamuru uamuzi iwapo kuna kesi ya kujibu au la dhidi ya Wanasiasa hao wanaotuhumiwa kuhusika na ghasia zilizozuka baada ya uchaguzi mkuu wa 2007, utolewe Septemba mosi.
Ouattara ahutubia taifa
Rais anayetambuliwa kimataifa nchini Cote d'Ivoire, Alassane Ouattara ameagiza kuwekwa vizuizi katika makaazi ya Rais anayeng'ang'ania madarakani Laurent Gbagbo ambako bado amejificha.
Akizungumza jana usiku kupitia televisheni ya nchi hiyo, Ouattara ameyatolea wito pia majeshi yake kudumisha utaratibu katika mji mkuu wa nchi hiyo Abidjan, ambako wanamgambo wanaorandaranda katika siku za hivi karibuni wamekuwa wakijihusisha na vitendo vya wizi na kufanya mashambulio yasiyo na mpangilio maalumu.
Amesema hiyo ni fursa ya mwisho kwa gbagbo kuondoka vizuri katika nafasi hiyo na kumkabidhi madaraka Ouattara.
Wanajeshi wa Ouattara wakiimarisha ulinzi kwa kuwakamata watu wanaohisiwa kuwa ni wapiganaji.
Wakati huohuo, ujumbe wa Umoja wa Mataifa nchini Cote d'Ivoire umesema utamkamata gbagbo akiwa hai na kumfungulia mashtaka.
Ouattara amekuwa akisisitiza juu ya Gbagbo kukamatwa akiwa hai, licha ya kwamba majeshi yake yamekuwa yakitoa upinzani mkali.
Miili zaidi yapatikana Ivory Coast
Umoja huo umesema miili hiyo ilipatikana magharibi mwa nchi hiyo, kwa kinachodhaniwa kuwa mauaji ya kikabila.
Rais anayetambulika kimataifa Alassane Ouattara amekuwa akipambana na aliye madarakani Laurent Gbagbo, aliyopo kwenye handaki mjini Abidjan.
Wakati huo huo, Umoja wa Ulaya umesema huenda ukapunguza makali kwa upande wa vikwazo baada ya ombi lililotolewa na Bw Ouattara.
Umoja huo ulimtambua Bw Ouattara kama mshindi wa uchaguzi wa mwezi Novemba kuwa ndiye Rais lakini Bw Gbagbo amekataa kukabdhi madaraka.
Majeshi ya Bw Ouattara yamesogea toka kaskazini katika kipindi cha miaka miwili iliyopita lakini eneo kubwa la mji mkuu wa Abidjan limeshikiliwa na wafuasi wa Gbagbo na siku kadhaa za mapigano imeisababishai nchi hiyo kuingia kwenye mgogor.
Mauaji ya kimbari ya Rwanda yakumbukwa
Mafanikio ya Rwanda
Rwanda inaweza kuitwa mfano wa kuigwa linapokuja suala la kiuchumi. Kwa mfano, mwaka 2010 iliweza kupandisha ukuwaji wake wa kiuchumi kwa asilimia 8 kutokana na mageuzi makubwa. Julia Viebach anasema kwamba katika eneo hili, Rwanda iko kwenye njia sahihi hadi sasa.
"Unapozungumzia suala la taratibu za uwekezaji kwamba zimelegezwa, kwamba ni rahisi kufungua kampuni, kwamba ufisadi unapigwa vita sana, kwamba hata shirika la Transparency International limethibitisha hilo. Hayo ndiyo kimsingi anayojisifia Kagame." Anasema Viebach.
Vile vile kwenye vita dhidi ya Malaria, kwa kiasi kikubwa serikali ya Kigali imepiga hatua kubwa. Asilimia 90 ya Wanyarwanda wana bima ya afya.
Kufeli kwa Rwanda
"Hali ilivyo ni kuwa, uhuru wa habari na maoni unakandamizwa sana. Zipo jumuiya za kiraia, lakini hakuna jumuiya huru. Zilizopo ni zile zinazoegemea upande wa serikali, hakuna kinyume chake. Hili limejidhihirisha kwenye uchaguzi wa mwisho ambao Kagame alishinda kwa asilimia 90. Wakati wa uchaguzi, kila chama cha upinzani kikashika njia yake. Huwezi kusema kuwa nchi hii itajiendeleza kidemokrasia." Anasema Viebach.
Mwezi Februari, Mahakama Kuu ya Rwanda ilimuhukumu kiongozi wa upinzani nchini humo kifungo cha miaka minne na nusu kwa kuhatarisha usalama wa taifa. Shirika la Kutetea Haki za Binaadamu la Human Rights Watch wanaiona hukumu hii kuwa ni pigo kwa uhuru wa maoni na demokrasia.
Karibu na uchaguzi, kiongozi wa chama cha upinzani cha Kijani, Andre Kagwa Rwisereka, aliuawa katika mauaji ambayo polisi wanasema yalitokana na jaribio la wizi. Wataalamu wa nje na watetezi wa haki za binaadamu wanayaona kuwa mauaji ya kisiasa. Human Rights Watch waliitisha uchunguzi huru wa mkasa huu, lakini hadi sasa hakuna mafanikio.
Habyarimana killed by his own forces
The truth revealed in Habyarimana’s death
• Bagosora key architect of plan to assasinate the former president
• Missile launched from Kanombe and not Masaka
•Missile used not SAM 16
• Habyarimana knew of the plot to assasinate him
• 600 people interviewed
KIGALI - A probe report on the downing of former President Juvenal Habyarimana’s plane has concluded that the ex-President was killed by his own henchmen who were against the idea of sharing power with the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF).
The report says that the extremists, among them diehards of the Hutu power, were bitter to learn that Habyarimana was finally agreeing to a power sharing deal that would bring on board the RPF and other opposition groups.
Bitter that their grip on power was under threat, members of Habyarimana’s inner circle popularly known as ‘Akazu’ hatched a plan to eliminate their former boss, with the view of holding on to their Hutu-power cause.
This group was led by the key Genocide masterminds; Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, Anatole Nsengiyumva, Mathieu Ngirumpatse and Joseph Nzirorera.
“These men were not simply opposed to a reconciliation process; they were committed to the wholesome extermination of the Tutsis. By the spring of 1994, they had the means, and opportunity to act…and they did,” the report compiled by a seven-man committee headed by veteran jurist, Jean Mutsinzi reads.
The assassination plot had been hatched over a long period of time, including a plan to acquire surface-to-air- missiles and also train an elite group of soldiers under Bagosora’s command on using the weapons.
To achieve his objective, the report says that Bagosora who was intimately familiar with Habyarimana’s travel schedule, changed the composition of the Rwandan delegation to the Arusha talks and ensured that Army Chief of Staff General Deogratias Nsabimana, a man opposed to Bagosora’s Genocidal plans, would be on the ill-fated plane.
“In violation of established procedure, Nsabimana received his orders to accompany the President via an unofficial channel—a telephone call from of all people, Theoneste Bagosora—the night before the trip, the report says.
“According to members of his security detail, even President Habyarimana was taken aback when Gen. Nsabimana boarded the Falcon-50 on the morning of April 6th.”
The Mutsinzi reports further explains that using a parallel military radio network, Bagosora was in direct contact with elements of the Presidential guard, the Para-commando battalion, and most importantly the Anti-Aircraft Battalion (LAA).
The units, it is said, were located in Kanombe Camp, a stone’s throw away from the International Airport.
“The LAA which Bagosora personally commanded for several years was not only responsible for the security of the airport, but had anti-aircraft weapons stationed in the immediate vicinity. LAA personnel had received specialized training in the use of surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) in France, Libya, China, North Korea and the Soviet Union,” the report says.
Direction of rocket fire
Despite reports that plane was downed by RPF soldiers, the report which has findings consistent with those of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), demonstrates that the ill-fated plane was hit by at least two surface-to-air missiles from the direction of Kanombe Military Camp, an area controlled by Habyarimana’s own Presidential guard.
The report quotes Sean Moorhouse, a British Army Captain of the UNAMIR (II) team as saying that; “the Rwandan President’s airplane has been shot down by three whites with the help of the Presidential Guard and that the shots from the weapons which brought down the airplane were fired from the Kanombe military Camp.”
But contrary to existing allegations that the weapons used to shoot down the plane were Surface to Air Missiles (SAM) 18, ballistics experts from the UK commissioned by the commission of inquiry ruled that out.
Whereabouts of the black box
While officially releasing the report to the public yesterday, Mutsinzi told reporters that; “there are people who got to the scene of the accident before anyone else and most of them had military training.
“They all had their motivations and interests in the black box. The French have acknowledged that they collected missile debris from the scene. How can we be sure it’s the only thing they picked? The black box is there and someone has it.”
Justice Minister Tharcisse Karugarama added that most records are with the French government and that; “time will eventually come when they will probably return them.”
Foreign Affairs Minster Louise Mushikwabo called on Rwandans and people outside the country to thoroughly read the Mutsinzi report and desist from making un informed opinions on circumstances that led to the downing of the Falcon 50 aircraft.
“The Government of Rwanda urges Rwandan citizens and the public at large to note and reject manipulation of truth and lies propagated on the plane crash since 1994.”
“The importance of the evidence on the shooting down of this plane is of historical importance,” she told an audience that comprised of local and international media.
“Government urges the public to familiarize themselves with the report and to look for responses to questions they might have with particular attention to witness testimonies.” Mushikiwabo, who is also the government spokesperson said.
Karugarama said that the Mutsinzi report is not a judicial document, but that it is one that was made by experts with clear evidence on what happened.
“Foreigners should not sit in their respective capitals and come up with conclusions on what happened in Rwanda. We request you to read this report and if you have any queries, they will be responded to,” he said.
Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart, Cyprian Ntaryamira, died when the plane they were travelling in was shot down as it approached Kigali International airport on April 6, 1994.
The commission interviewed close to 600 witnesses during the investigations. It also used the services of ballistic experts from the United Kingdom’s National Defence Academy for advice and analysis.
WHO KILLED JUVENAL HABYARIMANA ON 1994 ?-6
On the evening of 6 April 1994, just as it was approaching Kigali, a plane carrying Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana home from Tanzania was shot down by missiles fired from the ground. Also on the flight was the president of Burundi, Cyprian Ntaryamira, as well as several high-level Rwandan political and military officials. But from the first movement there was no doubt that the target was Habyarimana. What was in doubt was the culprit, and on this the debate has raged furiously for the past almost 16 years.
To most of those who have studied the genocide, commonsense always pointed to Hutu extremists in the Rwandan government and military. They passionately opposed the agreement that had been reached at Arusha, Tanzania, in mid-1993, for power to be shared among Habyarimana's followers, other political parties, and the Tutsi-led rebels of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF). To prevent this betrayal, the extremists had decided on a final solution – the extermination of the entire Tutsi minority in Rwanda, between 10 and 15 per cent of the population. When Habyarimana was about to capitulate to international pressure and implement these power-sharing arrangements, they murdered him and implemented their carefully-planned genocidal conspiracy.
From the moment the plane crashed, Hutu extremist propagandists, directed by hate-radio station RTLM and echoed by officials of the government of France, pointed the finger directly at the RPF. From time to time, Belgium was implicated by France, as was Uganda. Uganda's only known connection to the crash was that it was an English-speaking country where the RPF had originally formed. But for France, speaking English is evidence enough of culpability when it comes to Africa.
French investigators examine the wreckage of Juvenal Habyarimana's Dassault Falcon 50 plane that was shot down 16 years ago, killing the former Rwandan president and triggering genocide in the central African country, September 18, 2010. After patching up relations late last year, a team of French investigators is now in Rwanda re-examining a dozen eyewitness testimonies to work out where two missiles were fired from -- and, hopefully, determine final responsibility.
It's never been entirely clear what motive Kagame could have had for murdering Habyarimana at the very moment when the president intended to implement the Arusha Accords. The RPF had been the huge winner at Arusha, about to receive substantial political and military power. Conversely, Habyarimana's officials were the great losers, about to surrender the monopoly on power and resources they had cherished for the previous two decades. How could the RPF benefit from the chaos, anarchy and lust for vengeance that was sure to follow Habyarimana's assassination? The on-and-off again low-intensity civil war since 1990 had bogged down in a stalemate; why assume the hot war that was sure to follow the plane crash would lead to an RPF victory rather than an RPF rout, especially if France came in behind Habyarimana's forces?
But if attributing the missile attack to the RPF didn't make much sense, it was extremely functional to the Hutu extremists. If the RPF was guilty, it meant the attack on the plane was not the first step in the genocide plan. The killings of the subsequent 100 days could simply be put down to mass Hutu fury at the murder of their beloved president, and no genocide would have taken place. This spin has been the motive driving many of those who have busily spent the past decade and a half devising a multiplicity of ‘proofs’ to pin the evil deed on Kagame and his forces.
THE NEW REPORT
Now along comes a new document prepared by an ‘Independent Committee of Experts’ appointed by the government of Rwanda, with the explicit title Report of the Investigation into the Causes and Circumstances of and Responsibility for the Attack of 06/04/1994 against the Falcon 50 Rwandan Presidential Aeroplane [sic], Registration Number 9xR-NN. The head of the 7-person committee was Dr Jean Mutsinzi, former Justice of the Supreme Court of Rwanda, now a judge of the African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights. The other members are apparently lawyers or authorities on aircraft matters, but an annex offering their resumes is not unfortunately part of the commission's report (which is easily available online at mutsinzireport.com).
Perhaps that's why his government consistently acts on its own, without waiting for external validation. It did the same with the report on the role of France in the genocide, delivered by a panel of Rwandans also appointed by the government and headed by well-known RPF militant. In my view its report was overwhelmingly accurate and appropriately damning for France. But I wished they had asked outside experts like Linda Melvern to undertake that project, to give it real international credibility. But that is not the way the Kagame government does things.
We are left, then, to judge the report on the plane crash on its merits, and in this respect it seems to me to have made a major contribution to settling the great question of who was responsible.
In a word, the ‘Committee of Experts’ documents the logic most of us have accepted since the start. They pin the blame directly and fully on a group of Hutu extremists who were simply not prepared to accept the power-sharing provisions of the Arusha Accords. In this sense, they prove a terrible point: The very agreement that was to bring harmony to Rwanda led directly to the genocide. This is a staggering truth for all those involved in conflict resolution and peace-making to conjure with.
The committee took two years to complete its report, which contains 169 pages plus many appendixes with countless documents, plus a ballistics report from staff at the Defence Academy of the United Kingdom based at Cranfield University. Its members heard 557 witnesses, including former officials of the UN military mission to Rwanda at the time (UNAMIR ), former members of the Rwandan army and Presidential Guard under Habyarimana; and they perused post-genocide reports by Belgium, France and the United Nations, plus the work of western authors who have studied the genocide, plus the book written by UNAMIR's head, General Romeo Dallaire, based on his experiences at the time. While all the authorities they consulted won't be happy with the way their work has been used, an overwhelming consensus emerges from the Committee's research and interviews.
Let me try to summarise briefly the main points of what is often lengthy, highly technical, and geography-specific material.
1. For months before Habyarimana's assassination on 6 April 1994, rumours abounded that senior government and military officials in his own government were determined the Arusha Accords would never be implemented. These stories included specific suggestions that the President would be murdered if he dared to put their power-sharing arrangements into practice. For years we have known that radio station RTLM and Kangura, a small publication that functioned as the voice of Hutu extremism, had publicly stated that something dramatic was going to happen to Habyarimana in late March or early April. In its cover story of December 1993, for example, Kangura declared that Habyarimana would be assassinated the following March. General Dallaire and others have cited the threat uttered at a social occasion on 4 April by Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, a leader of the extremists widely considered the mastermind of the genocide. ‘The only plausible solution for Rwanda,’ Bagosora said to a small group that included Dallaire's senior Belgian aide, ‘appears to be the extermination of the Tutsi.’
Madame Agathe Habyarimana
What the new report adds to our knowledge is how widespread these stories were. Dozens of witnesses had heard them beginning late in 1993 and escalating through the early months of 1994. There was even a specific rumour that Habyarimana's plane would be shot down. The President himself had heard such stories, it appears, as had the French crew that came with the Falcon 50 that President Mitterrand had gifted to Habyarimana (apparently that's how a socialist president of France rewarded his favourite African presidents).
On 6 April Habyarimana flew to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, for a summit with fellow regional presidents. (The Burundian president, who had no luxury jet, made the fatal mistake of later hitching a ride home with Habyarimana via Kigali.) That summit is usually described as focusing on Rwanda. In fact, the new report informs us, it was about the unstable situations in both Rwanda and Burundi. Habyarimana began the meeting by telling his peers that he was implementing Arusha two days later, and the rest of the day was spent discussing Burundi's extremely turbulent political crisis.
But if Habyarimana was aware of threats against his plane, why did Habyarimana agree to fly to Dar es Salaam that day? He could simply have told them by phone or through an emissary of his intentions to introduce the Arusha arrangements. Why did his pilots agree to fly him there? Why did some of the leading plotters against him, like his brother-in-law Colonel Elie Sagatwa, an extremist Hutu ironically in charge of the president's personal security, agree to accompany him? All went down to their fiery deaths on 6 April, yet all apparently were aware of the risk. It is a glaring omission in the report that it never asks this obvious question, let alone attempts in any way to answer it.
Still, the fact remains that Hutu extremists were known to be furious at Habyarimana and were determined to stop the implementation of the Arusha Accords. Since the President announced explicitly on 2 April that he intended to swear in a new broadly-based coalition government on 8 April, it has always been logical to assume that attacking the plane on 6 April was the execution of their plan.
2. The RPF couldn't have infiltrated anti-aircraft missiles and missile launchers into Kigali. It could not have smuggled them into Parliament, where an RPF contingent was temporarily billeted, as agreed by the Arusha Accords. It could not have then snuck them to the area where those who blame the RPF claim the missiles were fired. The committee establishes persuasively that both UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) and above all the Rwandan army maintained very close surveillance of the RPF troops holed up in the parliament building, and these monitors could not possibly have missed the activity required to bring the missiles in, set them up and fire them. The committee also shows that the alleged firing area was constantly patrolled by Rwandan troops and no RPF soldiers carrying missiles and launchers could have infiltrated the area without being spotted.
3. The missiles could only have been fired from an area near the Kanombe military camp, the President's home, and the main Kigali airport, and this entire area was completely controlled by the Rwandan army. This is the area where Rwandan soldiers suddenly refused UNAMIR to enter during the day on 6 April. This key conclusion by the committee is based on a large number of eyewitnesses and what it calls ear witnesses, including pre-genocide Rwandan soldiers, employees of the adjacent airport where the plane was to land, and soldiers from UNAMIR and the Belgian Military Technical Cooperation.
Perhaps most significantly, it's also the conclusion of the report prepared for the committee by Mike Warden and Alan McClue of the Department of Applied Science, Security and Resilience, Cranfield University, Defence Academy of the UK.
The online documentation of the committee's work includes the formal contract that the committee signed with the two researchers, so that every part of it is transparent. In turn, the two presented a 109-page paper, often extremely technical, which concludes that the missiles must have been fired from the Kanombe area. Beyond dispute, this area was wholly controlled by Rwandan government forces. So the missiles were not fired from the area where those who blame the RPF say they came from, and they were fired from the area where only government soldiers (and French soldiers) could go.
It is hard to imagine staff at the Defence Academy of the UK exaggerating or falsifying their conclusions. It therefore seems to me that this independent ballistics report adds great credibility to the findings of the Committee of Experts, with which it of course concurs.
4. The committee shows that the Rwandan army possessed the kind of surface-to-air missiles that might have shot down the Focus 50, even though earlier reports, especially from France, claimed they did not. Conversely, it shows that the repeated assertion by those who blame the RPF – that Kagame's rebels received the missiles from Uganda (who got them from Russia) – is wrong and based on a deliberate deception at the time by Rwandan government soldiers, which enemies of the RPF have been only too happy to swallow.
Cyprien Kayumba Nyamwasa
6. Colonel Theoneste Bagosora is named as the instigator both of the attack on Habyarimana's plane and the genocide that it triggered, as planned. This corroborates the widespread view of Bagosora's role by everyone from General Dallaire to many of the historians of the genocide to the justices at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, who found Bagosora guilty of genocide and sentenced him to life imprisonment.
5. In the process of their report, the committee does a useful job of discrediting the hatchet job performed on the RPF by French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere in his own 2006 report on the plane crash. Bruguiere, following completely the script long favoured by the French establishment, baldy accused Kagame and the RPF of shooting down the plane in order, somehow, to take power in Rwanda.
Bruguiere's research was always problematic, to say the least. He relied on alleged eyewitness who were dissident Tutsi RPF members, with plenty of motive to malign the RPF. Some of these have since recanted their accusations against Kagame and the RPF or claim they never said what Bruguiere claims they said. And while the judge, remarkably, never went to Rwanda to investigate the crash site or to interview anyone in the RPF government or army whom he indicted, he did go to Arusha to interview men being held by the ICTR for their alleged role in the genocide. This included Colonel Bagosora himself, who even before his formal conviction was almost universally believed to have been a leader of the genocide. At one stage Bruguiere writes of a particular matter: ‘The real nature of the message…was also confirmed by the evidence in Arusha from former FAR soldiers [Habyarimana's army].’ He names four of these soldiers, including Colonel Theoneste Bagosora. This would be akin to asking P. W. Botha about apartheid and not asking Nelson Mandela.
6. France's cynical hand is felt throughout the committee's report, as indeed it must be in any recounting of the genocide. French soldiers were allowed in to the Kanombe military base on 6 April, while Belgian UNAMIR soldiers were not. French soldiers were at the plane wreck within moments, going through the debris and looking for the black box, which they removed. French officials scrupulously followed the original extremist Hutu line of blaming the Belgians, along with the RPF, for the missile attack. When the accusation against the Belgians had lost any credibility, President Mitterrand's senior Africa advisor, his chief of staff and the French ambassador to Rwanda all accused the RPF of responsibility. During the French parliamentary inquiry into the France's role in the genocide, French officials were anxious to implicate the Ugandan government in the plane attack. Never did they suggest that their close allies among the Hutu extremists, many of whom have long been hiding in France, may have had the slightest involvement.
As one former western diploma has put it, ‘In an ideal world, France would apologise to Rwanda, put 20 former senior French officials in the dock, and extradite 15 or 20 genocidaires living in France.’ We will see whether the recent France-Rwanda rapprochement will usher in a more ideal world.
The report of the Committee of Experts could have been better (although I dare say this is true of every report ever written). The organisation and the writing are sometimes confusing. Loose ends are left hanging, not least obscure references to three ‘whites’ who somehow might have been involved in the attack on Habyarimana's plane. At times it seems the plot to assassinate the president was hatched in late 1993, elsewhere that it all happened in the first few days of April 1994. It fails to analyse why Habyarimana agreed to fly to Dar es Salaam on 6 April even in the face of explicit death threats.
Despite an obvious attempt to be objective, its biases occasionally slip out. The committee asserts that ‘the practice of genocide against the Tutsi’ was initiated by the first Hutu-dominated government in the early 1960s, and that 1994 was ‘the final stage of genocide’. This is bad, partisan history that is accepted by no reputable historians of whom I'm aware. The fact is the massacres launched against the Tutsi after 1959 stopped after Habyarimana's coup in 1973 and didn't begin again until 17 years later, with the RPF invasion of Rwanda. Those early killings were terrible, but they were just that – massacres, pogroms, not the first stage in a 45-year plan exterminate all Tutsi. The final genocidal plot only began some time after the 1990 RPF invasion.
These flaws reduce the authoritativeness of this report. They will be jumped all over by those who will never accept any conclusion that fails to blame Kagame and the RPF for Habyarimana's murder. So there's no point whatever in trying to prove anything else to these deniers and extremists. They have no interest in the truth.
But for those genuinely searching for the most convincing answer to this great political murder mystery, the strengths of the committee's report overwhelmingly outweigh its few unfortunate flaws. Of course it would still be best to have the definitive report by a truly independent group of international experts. But until we do, the conclusions of this report should stand. And if there ever were an independent external study, I'm confident its conclusions would echo those of this Rwandan committee of experts:
‘We know who shot Habyarimana's plane down. We know why they did it. We know how they did it. And we know that they came within an inch of success in their diabolical plan. Before they were defeated, the Hutu extremists who assassinated President Habyarimana wiped out thousands of decent Hutu who wouldn't go along with their fiendish plot and three-quarters of their country's Tutsi. The attack on the president's plane was the opening shot in one of the purest genocides of the past 100 years, launched for no better reason than the greed of a few power-hungry Hutu fanatics. It was one of the greatest man-made tragedies of our time.’
MUELEKEO WA DUNIA MAISHANI
MUNGU ALIUMBA MBINGU NA ARTH KISHA AKAUMBA VIUMBE WENGI WENYE KUISHI KATIKA MFUMO WA UHAI. KILA KIUMBE KINAHAKI YA KUISHI NDANI YA DUNIA HII. BINADAMU AMEPEWA SIFA KUBWA YA KUONGOZA, MATUMIZI, KUMILIKI, KUOA,UNDUGU, UJAMA ……NA…..VYOTE VILIVYOMO DUNIANI.
UHARIBIFU WA UBORA WA DUNIA UNATEGEMEANA NA MATUMIZI YA BINADAMU JUU YA VIUMBE (WATU, ARDHI, MIMEA, MADINI, MAJI, MAFUTA, NDEGE, WADUDU……..N.K).
KWASASA BINADAMU WENGI WANAISHI KATIKA WAKATI WA VITA. VITA VIPO AINA NYINGI SANA,
VITA VYA KUFIKIRI.
KUFIKIRI UNACHOKIWEZA NIVYEMA ZAIDI. UKITUMIA FIKIRA YENYE UPUNGUFU AU UKOSEFU WA UKWELI, UTAJIKUTA KATIKA HALI NGUMU YA MSONGAMANO WA MAWAZO. JITAHIDI KUTAFAKARI, UMUHIMU, FAIDA NA HASARA YA KILE UKIANACHO, UKISIKIACHO, UAMBIWACHO, UKILACHO, UKITUMIACHO, UKIPENDACHO AU UAMBIWACHO NA YULE MPENZI WAKO AU MSHAURI WAKO MAISHANI.
UMUHIMU, FAIDA NA HASARA JUU YAKILE UKIONACHO, UKISIKIACHO, LADHA AU HARUFU, NI MKUBWA NA NI MUONGOZO WA NAFSI YAKO MAISHANI.KINYUME CHAKE NI MAUMIVU NA KUSEMA”NINGELIJUA”
VITA VYA DAMU:
DAMU NI KIUNGO CHENYE KUENDESHA UHAI WA MAISHA YA WANYAMA, NDEGE……BILA KUMSAHAU BINADAMU. UPUNGUFU WA DAMU MWILINI, KUNAPUNGUZA UTENDAJI WA KAZI WA SELI ZA MWILI. SELI ZA MWILI NDIO MSINGI WA MAISHA YA BINADAMU.
INAMANA ULINZI WA SELI NI MWILI KUWA NA DAMU SAFI NAYENYE KUKIDHI MAHITAJI.
HOSIPITALI WANAHITAJI DAMU YA KUONGEZEA WAGONJWA WENYE UPUNGUFU WA DAMU.
KUMBUKA KWAMBA HAKUNA KIWANDA, SHAMBA, MTO AU UZALISHAJI WA AINA YEYOTE YA DAMU.
KINACHOFANYIKA NI KUMTAFUTA MTU MWENYE UHUSIANO (BLOODGROUP) WA DAMU NA KISHA KUTOLEWA(DAMU) KIASI FULANI CHA DAMU NA KUMPA (KUMUONGEZEA MGONJWA) MHUSIKA.
VITA VYA VIFO:
KILA KIFO KINAWAKATI WAKE, LAKINI KUNA VIFO VINGINE, HULETA MASHAKA NDANI YA NYOYO ZA BINADAMU. KUNA AINA NYINGI ZA VIFO,
KUUMWA: KUNA VIFO VYENYE SABABU YA MWILI KUUMWA (NJAA, KIU, TIBI, SHINDIKIZO LA DAMU, UKIMWI, AU UTAPIA MLO).
NA KUNA VIFO VINGINE VINAVYOTOKANA NA MASHAMBULIZI YA UHASAMA BAINA YA BINADAMU.
KWASASA BINADAMU WANAUWANA KATIKA MFUMO WA PESA, MALI, MAPENZI, UDINI, MADINI, MAFUTA, MASHAMBA.
KUTOKANA NA VITA KUENDELEA , KUANZIA DANI YA FAMILIA NA KOO NYINGI ZA BINADAMU, TUMEJIKUTA (BINADAMU) KATIKA MFUMO WA KUONA KIFO NI HAKI YETU, BILAKUJALI KUONEWA AU KUONEANA.
VITA VYA KIFAMILIA VINAENDELEA KUWA NA NAFASI KUBWA MAISHANI. TUNASIKIA BABA, MAMA, MTOTO, NDUGU, JAMAA NA MARAFIKI, WANAUWANA! HILI NIJAMBO LAKUSIKITISHA NA NI ISHARA YA KUISHA KWA AMANI DUNIANI.
VITA VYA KIKABILA:
TUNAMIFANO KUANZIA NCHI YA RWANDA.
RWANDA INA MAKABILA MATATU(WATUSI,WATWA NA WAHUTU), LAKINI YANASIFIKA KWA MAKABILA MAWILI(WAHUTU NA WATUSI) TU. KWA NINI YASIKIKE MAKABILA HAYO MAWILITU?
NI KWASABABU YA UHASAMA ULIPO BAINA YA WATUSI NA WAHUTU. WATUSI NA WAHUTU KILA MMOJA ANASIFA YAKE NA ANA UPUNGUFU WAKE. WANASIASA WASOMI WALIJENGA MFUMO WAKUWATAWALA WANYARWANDA KATIKA MFUMO WA KIKABILA NAKUWAPELEKEA KUINGIA KATIKA JANGA LA MAUWAJI YENYE MIAKA 1959 NA 1994. MIAKA HII ILIWEZA KUWAUWA WANYARWANDA ZAIDI YA MILIONI MBILI(VIFO VYA WATU 2,000,000).
KENYA NA VITA YA UKABILA
KENYA NA UKABILA: KWASASA KENYA WANAJIKUTA WAKITAABIKA KUTOKANA NA MFUMO WA WASOMI, WA KUWASABABISHIA UHASAMA WA KIKABILA NA VIFO VYENYE MSONGAMANO.
KWASASA BAADHI VIONGOZI WA KENYA NA RWANDA BILA KUISAHAU LAIBELIA WAKO KATIKA MAHAKAMA YA UMOJA WA MATAIFA.
DRC: UKABILA UMETAWALA NCHI YA KONGO NA KUISABABISHIA HASARA YA VIFO ZAIDI YA WATU MILIONI 4, (VIFO VYA WATU 4,000,000).
LIBYA KATIKA VITA VYA KIKABILA
LIBYA: KWASASA TUNASHUHUDIA VITA VYA KIKABILA BAINA YA UKOO WA WAASI NA BAINA YA UKOO WA GHADAFI. ZAIDI YA WATU ELFU MBILI WAMEISHA KUFA
( 2,000 WAMESHA KUFA).
VITA NI VINGI SANA VYENYE KUNGAMIZA.
VITA VYA KIDINI: UKITAKA KUJUA VITA VYA KIDINI, TUNA MFANO NDANI YA NIGERIA, PALESTINA NA ISRAEL, SPAIN, CHINA, INDIA, IRAQ, IRAN, BAHRAIN, CHECHENIA, BOSNIA, IVORY COST……………….WATU ZAIDI WANAENDELEA KUFA.
VITA VYA MALI:
KWASASA NCHI TAJIRI ZINAHITAJI KUJIIMARISHA KIUCHUMI KUPITIA MIGONGO YA NCHI ZENYE RASILI MALI(MADINI, MAFUTA, PAMBA, KOKOA, ALIMASI, CHUMA, KOPA……N.K). MATAIFA HAYO NDIO YENYE MICHONGO NA UJANJA WA KUMILIKI UCHUMI KUPITIA NJIA YA MAELEWANO. MAELEWANO YANATOKANA NA MASHARITI YENYE KULINDA MASLAHI YA KILA UPANDE, NA UNAPOKWENDA KINYUME UTAJIKUTA UKIPEWA SABABU YA KUACHIA NGAZI YA MADARAKA AU KUPEWA ADHABU YA KIFO.
VIUNGOZI WENGI DUNIANI WANAONDOKA MADARAKANI KWA KASHFA YA DHULMA, UFISADI NA MARANYINGI ADHABU YA KIFO.