Kundi la al-Shabaab limekanusha kuondoa amri yake ya kuzuia mashirika ya misaada ya Magharibi na kupinga kuwepo kwa njaa Somalia
Kundi hilo limekanusha kuwa limeondoa amri yake ya mwaka 2009 ya kupiga marufuku mashirika ya misaada ya Magharibi na kusema taarifa za Umoja wa Mataifa kuhusu baa la njaa ni ‘propaganda tupu.’
Kadhalika kundi hilo linasema hakuna baa la njaa Kusini mwa Somalia.
Siku ya Jumatano Umoja wa Mataifa ulitangaza rasmi kuwa baadhi ya maeneo ya Somalia yanakabiliwa na baa la njaa kutokana na ukame wa muda mrefu katika kipindi cha miaka 60.
Msemaji wa kundi la al-Shabab, lililo na uhusiano na al-Qaeda na linalodhibiti sehemu kubwa ya nchi, limeshutumu vikundi vya misaada kwa kufanya mambo kisiasa zaidi.
Lakini Umoja wa Mataifa unasisitiza kuwa njaa ipo na itaendelea na jitihada zake za misaada.
Mashirika mengi ya misaada ya Magharibi yaliondoka Somalia mwaka 2009 kufuatia vitisho vya al-Shabaab..
Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Mpango wa Chakula Duniani (WFP)ni miongoni mwa yale yaliyopigwa marufuku.
Linasema linapanga kutoa misaada hiyo kwa kutumia ndege zinazodondosha chakula ktkka mji mkuu Mogadishu katika siku zijazo kusaidia maelfu ya watoto ambao wanakabiliwa na utapiamlo uliotokana ukosefu wa chakula nchini humo.
Athari kwa watu
Watu milioni 10 inaripotiwa kuwa wanahitaji chakula cha msaada katika Pembe ya Afrika lakini Somalia ndio nchi iliyoathiriwa vibaya zaidi, hasa kutokana na kutokuwa na serikali ya kitaifa kuratibu misaada baada ya miongo miwili ya mapigano.
Maelfu ya watu wanayakimbia maeneo yanayodhibitiwa na al-Shabaab na kwenda kwanye kambi zilizoko maeneo yanayodhibitiwa na serikali dhaifu ya mpito inayopigana na wapiganaji wa kiislam.
"Tuna uhakika kabisa kuwa kuna baa la njaa katika maeneo mawili Kusini mwa Somalia," David Orr, msemaji wa WFP Afrika ameiambia BBC.
"Tumeona ushahidi kwenye udharura wa sura na miguu ya watoto alio na utapiamlo ambao walilazimika kukimbia eneo lenye njaa na wakati mwingine kwa siku kadhaa na wiki kadhaa."
Msemaji wa WFP Emilia Casella alisema shirika lake litaendela kufanya kazi mahali panapowezekana kufanya hivyo.
"Al-Shabab sio kundi kubwa. Ni muhimu kujua kwamba tunafanya kazi mahali inapowezekana, tunafanya mpango kufanya kazi mahali ambapo panawezekana," ameliambia Shirika la Habari la AFP.
Wilaya mbili ambazo zina baa la njaa limetangazwa ni –Bakool na Lower Shabelle ziko chini ya udhibiti wa al-Shabab na mashirika ya misaada yamekuwa makini kurejesha shughuli zake huko kutokana na hofu ya usalama wa wafanyakazi wao.
Msemaji wa Al-Shabab Ali Mohamud Rage mapema mwezi huu alitangaza kuwa mashirika ya misaada, yawe ya Kiislam au la yataruhusiwa kurejea nchini Somalia almradi hayana ‘agenda ya siri.’
Hilo limeishawishi Marekani kusema itatondoa marufuku yake na kuruhusu misaada ya chakula katika maeneo yayodhibitiwa na al-Shabab, kundi ambalo Marekani inaliita ni la kigaidi.
Hata hivyo Bw Rage amewaambia waandishi wa habari mjini Mogadishu Alhamisi usiku kuwa: "Mashirika ya misaada yaliyozuiwa bado yamezuiliwa. Mashirika hayo yalikuwa yakijihusha na shughuli za kisiasa."
Anakiri kuwa kuna ukame lakini akasema taarifa kwamba kuna baa la njaa zilikuwa "ni upuuzi mtupu, hazina mashiko kwa 100% na ni propaganda tupu".
"Kuna ukame Somalia na upungufu wa mvua lakini si hali mbaya kama wanavyoileza wao."
WFP yasisitiza hali ni mbaya
Bw Orr alisema hali imefanywa kuwa mbaya kwa sababu ya kuzuiliwa kwa misaada kuwafikia watu wengi.
"Tunaomba wafanyakazi wa misaada waweze kutoa misaada ya kibinadamu. Watu wanasema wana njaa mpaka wanakufa huko. Hii ni hali ya kufa na kupona," aliiambia BBC.
"Hatungekuwa katika hali hii kama misaada ya kibinadamu ingekuwa inafikia jamii. Tunaziomba pande zote zenye kuguswa na hali hii kuturuhusu kwenda huko ili tupeleke misaada haraka na kwa namna inayowezekana."
Rashid Abdi, mchambuzi wa Somalia katika Taasisi ya Kimataifa kuhusu Migogoro ameliambia Shirika la Habari la Reuters kuwa al-Shabab walikuwa wanajaribu kuepuka ‘kuonekana kuwa ni watu waliosababisha hali mbaya ya janga la kibinadamu.’
Zaidi ya Wasomali 166,000 wanakadiriwa kuikimbia nchi yao na kuingia nchi jirani za Kenya au Ethiopia katika miezi ya karibuni.
Siku ya Jumatano, Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa Ban Ki-moon alisema $300 milioni (£184milioni) zinahitajika katika kipindi cha miezi miwili kusaidia maeneo yaliyoathiriwa na njaa.
"Watoto na watu wazima wanakufa katika hali ya kutisha," alisema.
Karibu nusu ya idadi ya watu wa Somalia milioni 3.7 walikuwa kwenye ukosefu mkali , alisema, wengi wao wakiwa Kusini.
Maeneo haya kwa sehemu kubwa yanadhibitiwa na al-Shabab.
Waliokufa Malawi wazikwa leo
Mandamano Malawi
Maafisa wa utawala katika mji wa kaskazini wa Mzuzu wamesema kuwa Rais Mutharika amewazuia kufanya mazishi ya wengi ili kuepusha ghasia zaidi katika eneo hilo.
Waombolezaji walikusanyika asubuhi wakitaka kufanya mazishi ya pamoja kwa waliouawa katika mzozo huu wa sasa.
Na wakati huohuo jeshi limepelekwa katika miji mitatu ya Malawi kukabiliana na wanaoandamana kuipinga serikali ambapo watu 18 wameuawa.
Rais Bingu wa Mutharika ameapa kutumia mbinu zote kukomesha maandamano hayo.
Waandamanaji wanamshutumu kwa kuitumbukiza Malawi katika mzozo huu wa kiuchumi unaoikumba nchi hiyo, ikiwa ndio mbaya zaidi kuwahi kutokea tangu nchi hiyo ijinyakulie uhuru wake.
Jeshi limepekwa katika mji mkuu wa Lilongwe, Blantyre na mji wa kaskazini wa Mzuzu. Wanajeshi wanakisaidia kikosi cha polisi wa kuzima ghasia katika miji hiyo mitatu.
Wizara ya afya imesema kuwa watu 18 wameuawa katika siku mbili za maandamano. Watu tisa waliuawa katika mji wa Mzuzu, sita Lilongwe na wawili Blantrye na mmoja katika mji wa Karonga unaopakana na Tanzania, idadi hii imetolewa na msemaji wa Wizara ya Afya Henry Chimbali.
Wengine 44 walipata majeraha ya risasi katika mapambano kati ya waandamanaji na vikosi vya Polisi.
Msemaji wa Polisi amesema kuwa vikosi vya Polisi vilifyatua risasi mjini Lilongwe kuepusha wezi kuvamia maduka na magari.
Makundi ya kutetea haki za binadamu yalioandaa maandamano hayo ya kitaifa yamesema kuwa Malawi inakabiliwa na msururu wa majanga.
Gharama ya maisha imepanda na nchi hiyo inakabiliwa na upungufu wa mafuta, umeme na fedha za kigeni.
Makundi hayo yameishutumu serikali kwa kukosa kusikia vilio vya watu na yanahofia Malawi huenda ikageuka kuwa taifa linalotawaliwa kimabavu.
Bw Mutharika - ambaye alichaguliwa mwaka 2004 - amesema anajiandaa kufanya mazungumzo na upinzani lakini nao unapaswa kukoma kuwatuma vijana barabarani kusababisha vurugu.
Nchi za ulaya zaridhia mkopo kwa Ugiriki
Viongozi wa Ulaya wamekubaliana kuipatia Ugiriki msaada mkubwa wa pili wa fedha ili kunusuru uchumi wake.
Rais Sarkozy na Chansela Merkel wamekubaliana Ugiriki ipewe mkopo mwengine
Katika mkutano wao wa dharura uliofanyika Brussels, Ubelgiji viongozi hao wamekubaliana kutoa msaada wa zaidi ya dola bilioni 150.
Uamuzi huo umeungwa mkono na shirika la fedha duniani IMF.
Kwa mara ya kwanza, mashirika ya kukopesha ya kibinafsi, ikiwa ni pamoja na mabenki, yatahusishwa.
Mabenki na wawekezaji wa kibinafsi watatoa Euro bilioni 37 kama mchango wao.
Waziri mkuu wa Ugiriki, George Papandreou,amesema uamuzi huo utarahisisha maisha ya wagiriki.
"Sasa tunao mfumo ambao utawezesha Ugiriki kuweza kushughulikia madeni yake," Papandreou alisema.
Ilitarajiwa kuwa baada ya hatua ya kwanza ya kuisadia nchi hiyo, uchumi wake utaimarika kiasi kwamba wataweza kuomba mikopo ya kujisitiri kutoka mashirika ya fedha kwanzia mwaka ujao lakini hili huenda lisifanyike.
Kutokana na hali hii viongozi wa bara ulaya wanakubaliana kuwa juhudi zaidi zinahitajika kuisadia nchi hiyo.
Mpango ni kuwa Ugiriki utapata mkopo zaidi kutoka majirani wake na pesa zingine zitapatikana baada ya kuuzwa kwa baadhi ya mali za serikali.
Huku viongozi wa ulaya wakijiandaa kwa mkutano huo pia kumetolewa pendekezo kuwa benki za ulaya zililipia kiasi fulani cha kodi ambacho kitakumika kuisaidi ugiriki na nchi zingine zenye matatizo ya kiuchumi.
Tofauti na mkutano uliofanyika mwezi uliopita, safari hii soko la fedha nchini Uhusipania na Italia linakabiliwa na shinikizo kali tofauti na kipindi kilichopita.
Madeni ya nchi hizo ni makubwa zaidi ukilinganisha na yale ya Ugiriki, Ureno na Ireland, nchi ambazo zinapokea msaada kutoka umoja wa ulaya.
Kufuatia hali hii nchi wanachama wa umoja wa ulaya pia wamekubaliana kuongeza michango yao kwenye mfuko maalum wa kunusuru nchi zinazokabiliwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi.
Mau Mau ruksa kuishitaki Uingereza
Wizara ya mambo ya nje pamoja na ofisi ya Jumuiya ya Madola zilisema haziwezi kubeba jukumu hilo kisheria, lakini jaji anayesikiliza shuri hilo alitupilia mbali hoja hiyo.
Jaji huyo amesema hajaona kama kulikuwa na utesaji wowote, lakini kama ulikuwepo, serikali ya Uingereza ndio ilikuwa na mamlaka.
Shauri hilo litaruhusu kufunguliwa kwa kesi ya tuhuma za ukatili uliofanywa dhidi ya vuguvugu la Maumau kati ya mwaka 1952 hadi 1961.
Washukiwa wa Maumau mwaka 1952
Waliowasilisha shauri hilo ni Ndiku Mutwiwa Mutua, Paulo Muoka Nzili, Wambugu Wa Nyingi na Jane Muthoni Mara, ambao umri wao ni kati ya miaka 70 hadi 80.
Wanne hao hata hivyo hawakuwepo mahakamani.
Washukiwa wa Maumau waliokamatwa enzi hizo
Katika shauri hilo, awali, jaji aliambiwa kuwa Bw Mutua na Bw Nzili walihasiwa, Bw Nyingi alipigwa hadi kupoteza fahamu katika tukio ambalo watu 11 walipigwa hadi kufa, huku Bibi Mara akinyanyaswa kijinsia. Lakini ofisi ya mambo ya nje ilisema jukumu la kisheria lilikabidhiwa kwa jamhuri ya Kenya baada ya kupata uhuru wake mwaka 1963.
The Mau Mau Uprising (also known as the Mau Mau Revolt, Mau Mau Rebellion and the Kenya Emergency)
The Mau Mau Uprising (also known as the Mau Mau Revolt, Mau Mau Rebellion and the Kenya Emergency) was a military conflict that took place in Kenya[B] between 1952 and 1960. It involved a Kikuyu-dominated anti-colonial group called Mau Mau and elements of the British Army, auxiliaries and anti-Mau Mau Kikuyu.[1][7]
The movement was unable to capture widespread public support.[8] The capture of rebel leader Dedan Kimathi on 21 October 1956 signalled the ultimate defeat of the Mau Mau uprising, and essentially ended the British military campaign.[9]
The conflict arguably set the stage for Kenyan independence in December 1963.[10] It created a rift between the European colonial community in Kenya and the Home Office in London,[2] but also resulted in violent divisions within the Kikuyu community.
Etymology
The origin of the term Mau Mau is uncertain. According to some members of Mau Mau, they never referred to themselves as such, instead preferring the military title Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA).[13] Some publications, such as Fred Majdalany's State of Emergency: The Full Story of Mau Mau, claim that it was an anagram of Uma Uma (which means "get out get out") and was a military codeword based on a secret language-game Kikuyu boys used to play at the time of their circumcision. Majdalany goes on to state that the British simply used the name as a label for the Kikuyu ethnic community without assigning any specific definition.[14]
As the movement progressed, a Swahili acronym was adopted: "Mzungu Aende Ulaya, Mwafrika Apate Uhuru" meaning "Let the European go back to Europe (Abroad), Let the African regain Independence".[15] J.M. Kariuki, a member of Mau Mau who was detained during the conflict, postulates that the British preferred to use the term Mau Mau instead of KLFA in an attempt to deny the Mau Mau rebellion international legitimacy.[16] Kariuki also wrote that the term Mau Mau was adopted by the rebellion in order to counter what they regarded as colonial propaganda
The contemporary, colonial view saw Mau Mau as a savage, violent, and depraved tribal cult, an expression of unrestrained emotion rather than reason. Mau Mau allegedly sought to turn the Kikuyu people back to "the bad old days" before British rule.[18] By the mid-1960s, this view was being challenged by memoirs of former Mau Mau members and leaders that portrayed Mau Mau as an essential, if radical, component of African nationalism in Kenya, and by academic studies that analysed Mau Mau as a modern and nationalist response to concrete inequities and material grievances of colonial domination (though such studies downplayed the specifically Kikuyu nature of the movement).[19]
There continues to be vigorous debate within Kenyan society and among the academic community within and without Kenya regarding the nature of Mau Mau and its aims, as well as the response to and effects of the uprising.[20][21] Nevertheless, as many Kikuyu fought against Mau Mau on the side of the colonial government as joined them in rebellion[12] and, partly because of this, the conflict is now often regarded in academic circles as an intra-Kikuyu civil war,[11][21] a characterisation that remains extremely unpopular in Kenya.[22] Some academics argue that the reason the revolt was essentially limited to the Kikuyu people was, in part, that they were the hardest hit by British colonialism and its effects.[23]
Wunyabari O. Maloba regards the rise of the Mau Mau movement as "without doubt, one of the most important events in recent African history."[24] Oxford's David Anderson, however, considers Maloba's and similar work to be the product of "swallowing too readily the propaganda of the Mau Mau war",[25] noting the similarity between such analysis and the "simplistic"[25] earlier studies of Mau Mau. This earlier work cast the Mau Mau war in strictly bipolar terms, "as conflicts between anti-colonial nationalists and colonial collaborators".[25] Harvard's Caroline Elkins' 2005 study has met similar criticism, as well as being criticised for sensationalism.[26][27]
It is often assumed that in a conflict there are two sides in opposition to one another, and that a person who is not actively committed to one side must be supporting the other. During the course of a conflict, leaders on both sides will use this argument to gain active support from the "crowd". In reality, conflicts involving more than two persons usually have more than two sides, and if a resistance movement is to be successful, propaganda and politicization are essential.
“
”
—Louise Pirouet
Throughout Kikuyu history, there have been two traditions: moderate-conservative and radical.[29] Despite the differences between them, there has been a continuous debate and dialogue between these traditions, leading to a great political awareness among the Kikuyu.[29][30] By 1950, these differences, and the impact of colonial rule, had given rise to three African political blocks: conservative, moderate nationalist and militant nationalist.[31] It has also been argued that Mau Mau was not explicitly national, either intellectually or operationally;[32] Bruce Berman argues that, "While Mau Mau was clearly not a tribal atavism seeking a return to the past,
the answer to the question of "was it nationalism?" must be yes and no."[33] As the Mau Mau rebellion wore on, the violence forced the spectrum of opinion within the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru to polarise and harden into the two distinct camps of loyalist and Mau Mau.[34]
This neat division between loyalists and Mau Mau was a product of the conflict, rather than a cause or catalyst of it, with the violence becoming less ambiguous over time,[35] in a similar manner to other situations.[36][37]
Kenya before the Emergency
The primary British interest in Kenya was its land which, observed the British East Africa Commission of 1925, constituted "some of the richest agricultural soils in the world, mostly in districts where the elevation and climate make it possible for Europeans to reside permanently."[39] Though declared a colony in 1920, the formal British colonial presence in Kenya began with a proclamation on 1 July 1895, in which Kenya was claimed as a British protectorate.[40]
Even before 1895, however, Britain's presence in Kenya was marked by dispossession and violence. During the period in which Kenya's interior was being forcibly opened up for British settlement, an officer in the Imperial British East Africa Company asserted, "There is only one way to improve the Wakikuyu [and] that is wipe them out; I should be only too delighted to do so, but we have to depend on them for food supplies",[41] and colonial officers such as Richard Meinertzhagen wrote of how, on occasion, they massacred Kikuyu by the hundred.[42] This onslaught led Churchill, in 1908, to remark: "surely it cannot be necessary to go on killing these defenceless people on such an enormous scale."[43]
Kenyan resistance to British imperialism
was there from the start—for example, the Kikuyu opposition of 1880–1900—and continued throughout the decades thereafter: the Nandi revolt of 1895–1905;[44] the Griamma uprising of 1913–4;[44] the women's revolt against forced labour in Murang'a in 1947;[45] and the Kalloa Affray of 1950.[46] (Nor did Kenyan protest against colonial rule end with Mau Mau. For example, in the years that followed, a series of successful non-violent boycotts were carried out).[47]
The Mau Mau rebellion can be regarded as a militant culmination of years of oppressive colonial rule and resistance to it,[48][49] with its specific roots found in three episodes of Kikuyu history between 1920 and 1940.[50] All of this is not, of course, to say that Kikuyu society was perfect, stable and harmonious before the British arrived. The Kikuyu in the nineteenth century were expanding and colonising new territory and already internally divided between wealthy land-owning families and landless families, the latter dependent on the former in a variety of ways.[51]
Rais wa Malawi asema yuko tayari kuzungumza
Maafisa wa matitabu kutoka hospitali moja nchini Malawi wanasema kuwa kwa uchache watu 18 wameuawa katika ghasia za maandamano nchini humo.
Jeshi limepelekwa katika mji mkuu wa Lilongwe, wakati huu ambapo maandamano yamerejelewa katika miji jirani.Msemaji wa polisi amethibitisha kifo kimoja tu lakini maafisa kutoka hospitali wanasema watu wanane wameuawa.
Waandamanaji wameghadhabika na kuongezwa kwa bei za bidhaa na vile vile na Rais Bingu wa Mutharika.
Rais wa Mutharika amelihutubia taifa na kusema yuko tayari kwa mazungumzo na wapinzani na makundi ya kiraia.
Makundi ya kiraia yalioandaa maandamano hayo yanasema kuwa Malawi inakabiliwa na mzozo mbaya zaidi wa kiuchumi tangu uhuru kupatikane miaka 47 iliyopita.
Serikali hivi karibuni iliidhinisha bajeti ya kubana matumizi na kuongeze kodi ili kupunguza kutegemea misaada baada ya wafadhili wengi kukatiza misaada yao kwa Malawi.
Wafadhili wameishutumu Malawi kwa kufuja uchumi na kukosa kuzingatia haki za binadamu.
Maandamano haya yamefanyika katika miji mingi lakini vifo vimetokea katika mji wa Mzuzu kilomita 300 Kaskazini mwa Lilongwe.
Nipo sasa katika chumba cha kuhifadhia maiti, inasikitisha sana
Askofu Maurice Munthali
Askofu Maurice Munthali naibu katibu mkuu wa kanisa la Kipresbyteri aliyekwenda katika chumba cha kuhifadhia maiti kutambua waliouawa amesema wote waliokufa wanaonesha walipigwa risasi, jambo ambalo limethibitishwa na wauguzi.
Askofu huyo amesema pia baadhi ya wale walio hospitali hawakushiriki katika maandamano bali walijikuta katikati ya vurugu hizo.
Mashambulio
Taarifa zaidi zasema kuwa mali ya Waziri mmoja wa serikali imeshambuliwa na waandamanaji katika mji huo.
Baadhi ya waandamanaji hao wanamtaka Rais Bingu wa Mutharika ajiuzulu.Polisi nao wametumia gesi za kutoa machozi mjini Lilongwe kuwatawanya waandamanaji na vile vile wameweka vizuwizi kuwazuia watu kuingia katika mji huo.
Mmiliki wa radio moja ya kibinafsi nchini humo Alaudin Osman ameiambia BBC kuwa ameagizwa na vyombo vya utawala kutopeperusha matangazo ya moja kwa moja kwa kuwa inadaiwa yanachochoea kinachoendelea hivi sasa.
Malawi ni moja wapo ya nchi masikini zaidi ulimwenguni ambapo asili mia 75 ya idadi ya watu nchini humo hutumia chini ya dola moja katika matumizi yao ya kila siku.
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