KARIBU MAISHANI

KARIBU MAISHANI

Saturday, July 23, 2011

Wananchi wa Somalia wakihitaji msaada

Wananchi wa Somalia wakihitaji msaada





Kundi la al-Shabaab limekanusha kuondoa amri yake ya kuzuia mashirika ya misaada ya Magharibi na kupinga kuwepo kwa njaa Somalia

Kundi hilo limekanusha kuwa limeondoa amri yake ya mwaka 2009 ya kupiga marufuku mashirika ya misaada ya Magharibi na kusema taarifa za Umoja wa Mataifa kuhusu baa la njaa ni ‘propaganda tupu.’

Kadhalika kundi hilo linasema hakuna baa la njaa Kusini mwa Somalia.

Siku ya Jumatano Umoja wa Mataifa ulitangaza rasmi kuwa baadhi ya maeneo ya Somalia yanakabiliwa na baa la njaa kutokana na ukame wa muda mrefu katika kipindi cha miaka 60.

Msemaji wa kundi la al-Shabab, lililo na uhusiano na al-Qaeda na linalodhibiti sehemu kubwa ya nchi, limeshutumu vikundi vya misaada kwa kufanya mambo kisiasa zaidi.

Lakini Umoja wa Mataifa unasisitiza kuwa njaa ipo na itaendelea na jitihada zake za misaada.

Mashirika mengi ya misaada ya Magharibi yaliondoka Somalia mwaka 2009 kufuatia vitisho vya al-Shabaab..

Shirika la Umoja wa Mataifa la Mpango wa Chakula Duniani (WFP)ni miongoni mwa yale yaliyopigwa marufuku.

Linasema linapanga kutoa misaada hiyo kwa kutumia ndege zinazodondosha chakula ktkka mji mkuu Mogadishu katika siku zijazo kusaidia maelfu ya watoto ambao wanakabiliwa na utapiamlo uliotokana ukosefu wa chakula nchini humo.
Athari kwa watu

Watu milioni 10 inaripotiwa kuwa wanahitaji chakula cha msaada katika Pembe ya Afrika lakini Somalia ndio nchi iliyoathiriwa vibaya zaidi, hasa kutokana na kutokuwa na serikali ya kitaifa kuratibu misaada baada ya miongo miwili ya mapigano.

Maelfu ya watu wanayakimbia maeneo yanayodhibitiwa na al-Shabaab na kwenda kwanye kambi zilizoko maeneo yanayodhibitiwa na serikali dhaifu ya mpito inayopigana na wapiganaji wa kiislam.

"Tuna uhakika kabisa kuwa kuna baa la njaa katika maeneo mawili Kusini mwa Somalia," David Orr, msemaji wa WFP Afrika ameiambia BBC.

"Tumeona ushahidi kwenye udharura wa sura na miguu ya watoto alio na utapiamlo ambao walilazimika kukimbia eneo lenye njaa na wakati mwingine kwa siku kadhaa na wiki kadhaa."

Msemaji wa WFP Emilia Casella alisema shirika lake litaendela kufanya kazi mahali panapowezekana kufanya hivyo.

"Al-Shabab sio kundi kubwa. Ni muhimu kujua kwamba tunafanya kazi mahali inapowezekana, tunafanya mpango kufanya kazi mahali ambapo panawezekana," ameliambia Shirika la Habari la AFP.

Wilaya mbili ambazo zina baa la njaa limetangazwa ni –Bakool na Lower Shabelle ziko chini ya udhibiti wa al-Shabab na mashirika ya misaada yamekuwa makini kurejesha shughuli zake huko kutokana na hofu ya usalama wa wafanyakazi wao.

Msemaji wa Al-Shabab Ali Mohamud Rage mapema mwezi huu alitangaza kuwa mashirika ya misaada, yawe ya Kiislam au la yataruhusiwa kurejea nchini Somalia almradi hayana ‘agenda ya siri.’

Hilo limeishawishi Marekani kusema itatondoa marufuku yake na kuruhusu misaada ya chakula katika maeneo yayodhibitiwa na al-Shabab, kundi ambalo Marekani inaliita ni la kigaidi.

Hata hivyo Bw Rage amewaambia waandishi wa habari mjini Mogadishu Alhamisi usiku kuwa: "Mashirika ya misaada yaliyozuiwa bado yamezuiliwa. Mashirika hayo yalikuwa yakijihusha na shughuli za kisiasa."

Anakiri kuwa kuna ukame lakini akasema taarifa kwamba kuna baa la njaa zilikuwa "ni upuuzi mtupu, hazina mashiko kwa 100% na ni propaganda tupu".

"Kuna ukame Somalia na upungufu wa mvua lakini si hali mbaya kama wanavyoileza wao."
WFP yasisitiza hali ni mbaya

Bw Orr alisema hali imefanywa kuwa mbaya kwa sababu ya kuzuiliwa kwa misaada kuwafikia watu wengi.

"Tunaomba wafanyakazi wa misaada waweze kutoa misaada ya kibinadamu. Watu wanasema wana njaa mpaka wanakufa huko. Hii ni hali ya kufa na kupona," aliiambia BBC.

"Hatungekuwa katika hali hii kama misaada ya kibinadamu ingekuwa inafikia jamii. Tunaziomba pande zote zenye kuguswa na hali hii kuturuhusu kwenda huko ili tupeleke misaada haraka na kwa namna inayowezekana."

Rashid Abdi, mchambuzi wa Somalia katika Taasisi ya Kimataifa kuhusu Migogoro ameliambia Shirika la Habari la Reuters kuwa al-Shabab walikuwa wanajaribu kuepuka ‘kuonekana kuwa ni watu waliosababisha hali mbaya ya janga la kibinadamu.’

Zaidi ya Wasomali 166,000 wanakadiriwa kuikimbia nchi yao na kuingia nchi jirani za Kenya au Ethiopia katika miezi ya karibuni.

Siku ya Jumatano, Katibu Mkuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa Ban Ki-moon alisema $300 milioni (£184milioni) zinahitajika katika kipindi cha miezi miwili kusaidia maeneo yaliyoathiriwa na njaa.

"Watoto na watu wazima wanakufa katika hali ya kutisha," alisema.

Karibu nusu ya idadi ya watu wa Somalia milioni 3.7 walikuwa kwenye ukosefu mkali , alisema, wengi wao wakiwa Kusini.

Maeneo haya kwa sehemu kubwa yanadhibitiwa na al-Shabab.













Waliokufa Malawi wazikwa leo






Mandamano Malawi

Maafisa wa utawala katika mji wa kaskazini wa Mzuzu wamesema kuwa Rais Mutharika amewazuia kufanya mazishi ya wengi ili kuepusha ghasia zaidi katika eneo hilo.

Waombolezaji walikusanyika asubuhi wakitaka kufanya mazishi ya pamoja kwa waliouawa katika mzozo huu wa sasa.

Na wakati huohuo jeshi limepelekwa katika miji mitatu ya Malawi kukabiliana na wanaoandamana kuipinga serikali ambapo watu 18 wameuawa.
Rais Bingu wa Mutharika ameapa kutumia mbinu zote kukomesha maandamano hayo.


Waandamanaji wanamshutumu kwa kuitumbukiza Malawi katika mzozo huu wa kiuchumi unaoikumba nchi hiyo, ikiwa ndio mbaya zaidi kuwahi kutokea tangu nchi hiyo ijinyakulie uhuru wake.

Jeshi limepekwa katika mji mkuu wa Lilongwe, Blantyre na mji wa kaskazini wa Mzuzu. Wanajeshi wanakisaidia kikosi cha polisi wa kuzima ghasia katika miji hiyo mitatu.

Wizara ya afya imesema kuwa watu 18 wameuawa katika siku mbili za maandamano. Watu tisa waliuawa katika mji wa Mzuzu, sita Lilongwe na wawili Blantrye na mmoja katika mji wa Karonga unaopakana na Tanzania, idadi hii imetolewa na msemaji wa Wizara ya Afya Henry Chimbali.

Wengine 44 walipata majeraha ya risasi katika mapambano kati ya waandamanaji na vikosi vya Polisi.

Msemaji wa Polisi amesema kuwa vikosi vya Polisi vilifyatua risasi mjini Lilongwe kuepusha wezi kuvamia maduka na magari.

Makundi ya kutetea haki za binadamu yalioandaa maandamano hayo ya kitaifa yamesema kuwa Malawi inakabiliwa na msururu wa majanga.

Gharama ya maisha imepanda na nchi hiyo inakabiliwa na upungufu wa mafuta, umeme na fedha za kigeni.
Makundi hayo yameishutumu serikali kwa kukosa kusikia vilio vya watu na yanahofia Malawi huenda ikageuka kuwa taifa linalotawaliwa kimabavu.

Bw Mutharika - ambaye alichaguliwa mwaka 2004 - amesema anajiandaa kufanya mazungumzo na upinzani lakini nao unapaswa kukoma kuwatuma vijana barabarani kusababisha vurugu.













Nchi za ulaya zaridhia mkopo kwa Ugiriki




Viongozi wa Ulaya wamekubaliana kuipatia Ugiriki msaada mkubwa wa pili wa fedha ili kunusuru uchumi wake.




Rais Sarkozy na Chansela Merkel wamekubaliana Ugiriki ipewe mkopo mwengine

Katika mkutano wao wa dharura uliofanyika Brussels, Ubelgiji viongozi hao wamekubaliana kutoa msaada wa zaidi ya dola bilioni 150.

Uamuzi huo umeungwa mkono na shirika la fedha duniani IMF.




Kwa mara ya kwanza, mashirika ya kukopesha ya kibinafsi, ikiwa ni pamoja na mabenki, yatahusishwa.

Mabenki na wawekezaji wa kibinafsi watatoa Euro bilioni 37 kama mchango wao.

Waziri mkuu wa Ugiriki, George Papandreou,amesema uamuzi huo utarahisisha maisha ya wagiriki.

"Sasa tunao mfumo ambao utawezesha Ugiriki kuweza kushughulikia madeni yake," Papandreou alisema.

Ilitarajiwa kuwa baada ya hatua ya kwanza ya kuisadia nchi hiyo, uchumi wake utaimarika kiasi kwamba wataweza kuomba mikopo ya kujisitiri kutoka mashirika ya fedha kwanzia mwaka ujao lakini hili huenda lisifanyike.

Kutokana na hali hii viongozi wa bara ulaya wanakubaliana kuwa juhudi zaidi zinahitajika kuisadia nchi hiyo.

Mpango ni kuwa Ugiriki utapata mkopo zaidi kutoka majirani wake na pesa zingine zitapatikana baada ya kuuzwa kwa baadhi ya mali za serikali.

Huku viongozi wa ulaya wakijiandaa kwa mkutano huo pia kumetolewa pendekezo kuwa benki za ulaya zililipia kiasi fulani cha kodi ambacho kitakumika kuisaidi ugiriki na nchi zingine zenye matatizo ya kiuchumi.

Tofauti na mkutano uliofanyika mwezi uliopita, safari hii soko la fedha nchini Uhusipania na Italia linakabiliwa na shinikizo kali tofauti na kipindi kilichopita.

Madeni ya nchi hizo ni makubwa zaidi ukilinganisha na yale ya Ugiriki, Ureno na Ireland, nchi ambazo zinapokea msaada kutoka umoja wa ulaya.

Kufuatia hali hii nchi wanachama wa umoja wa ulaya pia wamekubaliana kuongeza michango yao kwenye mfuko maalum wa kunusuru nchi zinazokabiliwa na matatizo ya kiuchumi.










Mau Mau ruksa kuishitaki Uingereza




Kutoka kushoto: Ndiku Mutua, Jane Muthoni Mara na Wambugu Wa Nyingi wanaodai kuteswa


Wizara ya mambo ya nje pamoja na ofisi ya Jumuiya ya Madola zilisema haziwezi kubeba jukumu hilo kisheria, lakini jaji anayesikiliza shuri hilo alitupilia mbali hoja hiyo.

Jaji huyo amesema hajaona kama kulikuwa na utesaji wowote, lakini kama ulikuwepo, serikali ya Uingereza ndio ilikuwa na mamlaka.

Shauri hilo litaruhusu kufunguliwa kwa kesi ya tuhuma za ukatili uliofanywa dhidi ya vuguvugu la Maumau kati ya mwaka 1952 hadi 1961.



Washukiwa wa Maumau mwaka 1952

Waliowasilisha shauri hilo ni Ndiku Mutwiwa Mutua, Paulo Muoka Nzili, Wambugu Wa Nyingi na Jane Muthoni Mara, ambao umri wao ni kati ya miaka 70 hadi 80.

Wanne hao hata hivyo hawakuwepo mahakamani.





Washukiwa wa Maumau waliokamatwa enzi hizo

Katika shauri hilo, awali, jaji aliambiwa kuwa Bw Mutua na Bw Nzili walihasiwa, Bw Nyingi alipigwa hadi kupoteza fahamu katika tukio ambalo watu 11 walipigwa hadi kufa, huku Bibi Mara akinyanyaswa kijinsia. Lakini ofisi ya mambo ya nje ilisema jukumu la kisheria lilikabidhiwa kwa jamhuri ya Kenya baada ya kupata uhuru wake mwaka 1963.







The Mau Mau Uprising (also known as the Mau Mau Revolt, Mau Mau Rebellion and the Kenya Emergency)




The Mau Mau Uprising (also known as the Mau Mau Revolt, Mau Mau Rebellion and the Kenya Emergency) was a military conflict that took place in Kenya[B] between 1952 and 1960. It involved a Kikuyu-dominated anti-colonial group called Mau Mau and elements of the British Army, auxiliaries and anti-Mau Mau Kikuyu.[1][7]


The movement was unable to capture widespread public support.[8] The capture of rebel leader Dedan Kimathi on 21 October 1956 signalled the ultimate defeat of the Mau Mau uprising, and essentially ended the British military campaign.[9]

The conflict arguably set the stage for Kenyan independence in December 1963.[10] It created a rift between the European colonial community in Kenya and the Home Office in London,[2] but also resulted in violent divisions within the Kikuyu community.



Etymology


The origin of the term Mau Mau is uncertain. According to some members of Mau Mau, they never referred to themselves as such, instead preferring the military title Kenya Land and Freedom Army (KLFA).[13] Some publications, such as Fred Majdalany's State of Emergency: The Full Story of Mau Mau, claim that it was an anagram of Uma Uma (which means "get out get out") and was a military codeword based on a secret language-game Kikuyu boys used to play at the time of their circumcision. Majdalany goes on to state that the British simply used the name as a label for the Kikuyu ethnic community without assigning any specific definition.[14]

As the movement progressed, a Swahili acronym was adopted: "Mzungu Aende Ulaya, Mwafrika Apate Uhuru" meaning "Let the European go back to Europe (Abroad), Let the African regain Independence".[15] J.M. Kariuki, a member of Mau Mau who was detained during the conflict, postulates that the British preferred to use the term Mau Mau instead of KLFA in an attempt to deny the Mau Mau rebellion international legitimacy.[16] Kariuki also wrote that the term Mau Mau was adopted by the rebellion in order to counter what they regarded as colonial propaganda

The contemporary, colonial view saw Mau Mau as a savage, violent, and depraved tribal cult, an expression of unrestrained emotion rather than reason. Mau Mau allegedly sought to turn the Kikuyu people back to "the bad old days" before British rule.[18] By the mid-1960s, this view was being challenged by memoirs of former Mau Mau members and leaders that portrayed Mau Mau as an essential, if radical, component of African nationalism in Kenya, and by academic studies that analysed Mau Mau as a modern and nationalist response to concrete inequities and material grievances of colonial domination (though such studies downplayed the specifically Kikuyu nature of the movement).[19]


There continues to be vigorous debate within Kenyan society and among the academic community within and without Kenya regarding the nature of Mau Mau and its aims, as well as the response to and effects of the uprising.[20][21] Nevertheless, as many Kikuyu fought against Mau Mau on the side of the colonial government as joined them in rebellion[12] and, partly because of this, the conflict is now often regarded in academic circles as an intra-Kikuyu civil war,[11][21] a characterisation that remains extremely unpopular in Kenya.[22] Some academics argue that the reason the revolt was essentially limited to the Kikuyu people was, in part, that they were the hardest hit by British colonialism and its effects.[23]


Wunyabari O. Maloba regards the rise of the Mau Mau movement as "without doubt, one of the most important events in recent African history."[24] Oxford's David Anderson, however, considers Maloba's and similar work to be the product of "swallowing too readily the propaganda of the Mau Mau war",[25] noting the similarity between such analysis and the "simplistic"[25] earlier studies of Mau Mau. This earlier work cast the Mau Mau war in strictly bipolar terms, "as conflicts between anti-colonial nationalists and colonial collaborators".[25] Harvard's Caroline Elkins' 2005 study has met similar criticism, as well as being criticised for sensationalism.[26][27]


It is often assumed that in a conflict there are two sides in opposition to one another, and that a person who is not actively committed to one side must be supporting the other. During the course of a conflict, leaders on both sides will use this argument to gain active support from the "crowd". In reality, conflicts involving more than two persons usually have more than two sides, and if a resistance movement is to be successful, propaganda and politicization are essential.


—Louise Pirouet






Throughout Kikuyu history, there have been two traditions: moderate-conservative and radical.[29] Despite the differences between them, there has been a continuous debate and dialogue between these traditions, leading to a great political awareness among the Kikuyu.[29][30] By 1950, these differences, and the impact of colonial rule, had given rise to three African political blocks: conservative, moderate nationalist and militant nationalist.[31] It has also been argued that Mau Mau was not explicitly national, either intellectually or operationally;[32] Bruce Berman argues that, "While Mau Mau was clearly not a tribal atavism seeking a return to the past,

the answer to the question of "was it nationalism?" must be yes and no."[33] As the Mau Mau rebellion wore on, the violence forced the spectrum of opinion within the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru to polarise and harden into the two distinct camps of loyalist and Mau Mau.[34]

This neat division between loyalists and Mau Mau was a product of the conflict, rather than a cause or catalyst of it, with the violence becoming less ambiguous over time,[35] in a similar manner to other situations.[36][37]




Kenya before the Emergency




The primary British interest in Kenya was its land which, observed the British East Africa Commission of 1925, constituted "some of the richest agricultural soils in the world, mostly in districts where the elevation and climate make it possible for Europeans to reside permanently."[39] Though declared a colony in 1920, the formal British colonial presence in Kenya began with a proclamation on 1 July 1895, in which Kenya was claimed as a British protectorate.[40]

Even before 1895, however, Britain's presence in Kenya was marked by dispossession and violence. During the period in which Kenya's interior was being forcibly opened up for British settlement, an officer in the Imperial British East Africa Company asserted, "There is only one way to improve the Wakikuyu [and] that is wipe them out; I should be only too delighted to do so, but we have to depend on them for food supplies",[41] and colonial officers such as Richard Meinertzhagen wrote of how, on occasion, they massacred Kikuyu by the hundred.[42] This onslaught led Churchill, in 1908, to remark: "surely it cannot be necessary to go on killing these defenceless people on such an enormous scale."[43]

Kenyan resistance to British imperialism



was there from the start—for example, the Kikuyu opposition of 1880–1900—and continued throughout the decades thereafter: the Nandi revolt of 1895–1905;[44] the Griamma uprising of 1913–4;[44] the women's revolt against forced labour in Murang'a in 1947;[45] and the Kalloa Affray of 1950.[46] (Nor did Kenyan protest against colonial rule end with Mau Mau. For example, in the years that followed, a series of successful non-violent boycotts were carried out).[47]


The Mau Mau rebellion can be regarded as a militant culmination of years of oppressive colonial rule and resistance to it,[48][49] with its specific roots found in three episodes of Kikuyu history between 1920 and 1940.[50] All of this is not, of course, to say that Kikuyu society was perfect, stable and harmonious before the British arrived. The Kikuyu in the nineteenth century were expanding and colonising new territory and already internally divided between wealthy land-owning families and landless families, the latter dependent on the former in a variety of ways.[51]










Rais wa Malawi asema yuko tayari kuzungumza


Rais Bingu wa Mutharika



Maafisa wa matitabu kutoka hospitali moja nchini Malawi wanasema kuwa kwa uchache watu 18 wameuawa katika ghasia za maandamano nchini humo.

Jeshi limepelekwa katika mji mkuu wa Lilongwe, wakati huu ambapo maandamano yamerejelewa katika miji jirani.Msemaji wa polisi amethibitisha kifo kimoja tu lakini maafisa kutoka hospitali wanasema watu wanane wameuawa.

Waandamanaji wameghadhabika na kuongezwa kwa bei za bidhaa na vile vile na Rais Bingu wa Mutharika.

Rais wa Mutharika amelihutubia taifa na kusema yuko tayari kwa mazungumzo na wapinzani na makundi ya kiraia.
Makundi ya kiraia yalioandaa maandamano hayo yanasema kuwa Malawi inakabiliwa na mzozo mbaya zaidi wa kiuchumi tangu uhuru kupatikane miaka 47 iliyopita.

Serikali hivi karibuni iliidhinisha bajeti ya kubana matumizi na kuongeze kodi ili kupunguza kutegemea misaada baada ya wafadhili wengi kukatiza misaada yao kwa Malawi.

Wafadhili wameishutumu Malawi kwa kufuja uchumi na kukosa kuzingatia haki za binadamu.

Maandamano haya yamefanyika katika miji mingi lakini vifo vimetokea katika mji wa Mzuzu kilomita 300 Kaskazini mwa Lilongwe.

Nipo sasa katika chumba cha kuhifadhia maiti, inasikitisha sana

Askofu Maurice Munthali

Askofu Maurice Munthali naibu katibu mkuu wa kanisa la Kipresbyteri aliyekwenda katika chumba cha kuhifadhia maiti kutambua waliouawa amesema wote waliokufa wanaonesha walipigwa risasi, jambo ambalo limethibitishwa na wauguzi.

Askofu huyo amesema pia baadhi ya wale walio hospitali hawakushiriki katika maandamano bali walijikuta katikati ya vurugu hizo.
Mashambulio

Taarifa zaidi zasema kuwa mali ya Waziri mmoja wa serikali imeshambuliwa na waandamanaji katika mji huo.

Baadhi ya waandamanaji hao wanamtaka Rais Bingu wa Mutharika ajiuzulu.Polisi nao wametumia gesi za kutoa machozi mjini Lilongwe kuwatawanya waandamanaji na vile vile wameweka vizuwizi kuwazuia watu kuingia katika mji huo.

Mmiliki wa radio moja ya kibinafsi nchini humo Alaudin Osman ameiambia BBC kuwa ameagizwa na vyombo vya utawala kutopeperusha matangazo ya moja kwa moja kwa kuwa inadaiwa yanachochoea kinachoendelea hivi sasa.

Malawi ni moja wapo ya nchi masikini zaidi ulimwenguni ambapo asili mia 75 ya idadi ya watu nchini humo hutumia chini ya dola moja katika matumizi yao ya kila siku.

Friday, July 22, 2011

Misri yatangaza baraza jipya la Mawaziri

Misri yatangaza baraza jipya la Mawaziri


Baraza jipya la Mawaziri limeapisha nchini Misri, huku maandamano ya kuipinga serikali yakiendelea. Zaidi ya nusu ya mawaziri wamebadilishwa, ingawa Waziri Mkuu, Essam Sharaf, anaendelea kubakia katika wadhifa wake.

Baraza tawala la Misri

Hadi kufikia uwamuazi wa kuunda serikali mpya ya Misri kumekuwepo na vigezo na matatizo pia. Uteuzi wa baraza jipya la Mawaziri ulicheleweshwa mwanzoni kutokana na mabishano baina ya Waziri mkuu na baraza la kijeshi linalotawala, kisha Waziri mkuu akapelekwa hospitali kwa sababu ya shinikizo la damu.


Essam Sharif

Kisha baraza likabadilishwa, hadi wakati wa kula viapo walipoapishwa na kiongozi wa kijeshi Field Marshal Tantawi.

Mabadiliko hayo hayajafanikiwa kikamilifu, katika nia yake ya kuwaridhisha upinzani ingawa yameweza kupunguza makali ya waandamanaji waliokwama katika medani ya Tahrir.



medani ya Tahrir-Misri

Wakati baraza jipya likiiapishwa, koto moja mjini Cairo ikaondoa amri kwamba jina la aliyekuwa Rais, Hosni Mubarak liondolewe kutoka majengo yote ya umma. Uwamuzi huu ulisababisha malumbano baina ya waungaji mkono na wanaompinga kiongozi aliyeondoka madarakani nje ya majengo ya mahakama.











Marekani kupeleka msaada wa chakula maeneo ya al-Shabaab




Marekani imesema itatuma msaada katika eneo lililokumbwa na baa la njaa nchini Somalia linalodhibitiwa na kundi la kiislam la al-Shabaab

Lakini Maafisa wa misaada wa Marekani wamesema ni lazima wapewe uhakika kuwa wapiganaji hao hawataingilia kati kuvuruga ugawaji wa misaada hiyo.

Marekani inalichukulia kundi la al-Shabab kuwa la kigaidi na mwaka jana kundi hilo lilizua msaada wa chakula katika eneo kubwa la Somalia linalolidhibiti.


Umoja wa Mataifa umetangaza rasmi kuwa kuna baa la njaa katika maeneo mawili ya Kusini mwa Somalia yaliyokumbwa na ukame mkali kwa zaidi ya karne.

Al-Shabab,

kundi linalojihusisha na al-Qaeda

linadhibiti sehemu kubwa ya Kusini na Katikati mwa Somalia, limezuia huduma ya mashirika ya misaada katika eneo lake tangu mwaka 2009, lakini hivi karibuni liliruhusu misaada hiyo ianze kutolewa.

Naibu Kamishna wa Shirika la Maendeleo la Marekani, Donald Steinberg, amesema misaada hiyo isiwanufaishe al-Shabab.

"Tunachokihitaji ni Shirika la Mpango wa Chakula Duniani

(WFP) na mashirika mengine, Umoja wa Mataifa au mashirika mengine, yote ya umma na sekta binafsi ambao wako tayari kwenda Somalia watupatie uhakika kuwa hawajasumbuliwa na al-Shabab, na kwamba hawajapewa vishawishi vyovyote kutoka kwa al-Shabab, ili tuweze kufanya kazi bila kuingiliwa," Bw Steinberg ameiambia BBC.

Amesema lengo lilikuwa ni kuokoa maisha, "na sio kucheza mchezo wa ‘paka na panya’ na mashirika ya UN au kundi lolote lingine ambalo lina ujasiri wa kutosha kwenda na kutoa msaada huo.

Mchambuzi wa BBC Afrika Martin Plaut anasema hatua hii inaonyesha mabadiliko makubwa katika sera za Washington.

Mwezi April 2010 Rais wa Marekani Barack Obama

alitoa maagizo maalum yakilitaja kundi la al-Shabab kuwa ni kundi la kigaidi, akimaanisha hakuna msaada wowote utakaopelekwa katika eneo linalodhibitiwa na kundi la al-Shabaab, anaongeza mchambuzi wa BBC.

Inakadiriwa kuwa watu milioni 10 wameathiriwa na ukame mbaya eneo la Pembe ya Afrika kwa muda wa zaidi ya karne. Zaidi ya raia wa Somalia 166,000 inaripotiwa kuwa wameyakimbia makazi yao na kuingia nchi za Kenya na Somalia.








Chombo cha Atlantis charudi duniani







Chombo cha mwisho cha angani cha Marekani leo kilirudi tena duniani, na kutua katika kituo cha vyombo vya angani cha Kennedy, muda mfupi kabla ya jua kuchomoza alfajiri.
Atlantis

Itabidi Marekani kuwategemea wengine kwa safari za anga za juu

Vyombo vya NASA vilitumiwa sana katika kuanzisha kituo cha angani, na vile vile darubini iliyojulikana kama Hubble.

"Chombo hasa kilibadilisha mtizamo wetu wa vile tunavyoiona dunia", alisema kamanda Chris Ferguson,

mara tu baada ya chombo hicho kutua.

"Kuna hisia nyingi leo, lakini jambo moja ambalo kamwe halina ubishi ni kwamba Marekani haitaacha kuvinjari", alisema alipokuwa akizungumza na kituo cha kusimamia safari za angani.

Kurudi ardhini kwa Chombo hicho cha kihistoria ni kufuatia amri ya serikali ya Marekani, na hasa kutokana na gharama za juu katika kuvitunza vyombo hivyo vya angani.

Uamuzi huo unamaanisha kwamba nchi hiyo haina tena uwezo wa kuwatuma wataalamu wa anga katika sayari mbalimbali.

Chombo cha Atlantis baadaye kilifahamika kama "the final four", yaani nne za mwisho, na kuashiria nia ya Marekani ya kuialika sekta ya watu binafsi pengine kuvitumia vyombo hivyo kibiashara, na hasa katika kupanga safari za kuwapeleka abiria angani.

Lakini hayo hayatazamiwi kufanyika katika kipindi cha miaka mitatu hadi minne hivi.

Katika kipindi hicho, NASA itawategemea Warusi katika kuwafikishia wataalumu wao hadi kituo cha kimataifa cha angani, kinachojulikana kama International Space Station (ISS).


Licha ya kiza kilichokuwepo katika anga ya kituo cha vyombo vya angani cha Florida, umati mkubwa wa watu ulijitokeza katika kushuhudia chombo hicho cha Atlantis kikirudi duniani.

Watu wengine elfu mbili walikisubiri chombo hicho katika uwanja ambao kilitua, na hata katika kituo cha kukielekeza chombo huko Texas, watu wengi walionekana katika lango la kituo cha safari za anga cha Johnson.









Mabaki ya msaidizi wa Hitler yafukuliwa





Kaburi ambalo limekuwa na mabaki ya msaidizi wa Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess, limebomolewa, ili kuyazuia makundi ya ki-Nazi ambayo yamekuwa yakilitembelea na kutoa heshima zao kuacha kufanya hivyo.



Mifupa ya Hess ilifukuliwa kutoka kaburi moja mjini Wunsiedel, eneo la Ujerumani kusini, mapema siku ya Jumatano.
Makundi yanayounga mkono ubaguzi wa rangi yamekuwa yakilitembelea kaburi hilo


Mifupa hiyo itateketezwa, na jivu kutawanywa baharini.

Hess alikamatwa baada ya kuingia kwa ndege nchini Uingereza mwaka 1941, na kuhukumiwa kifo.

Alijinyonga gerezani mjini Berlin, Ujerumani, mwaka 1987, akiwa na umri wa miaka 93.

Kabla ya kifo chake, aliandika wasia azikwe katika mji mdogo wa Wunsiedel, ambako familia yake ilikuwa na nyumba walioitumia kwa mapumziko, na wazazi wake walikuwa tayari wamezikwa hapo.

Kanisa la Lutherani wakati huo lilikubali ombi lake, likiamua kwamba haliwezi kupuuza mapendekezo ya marehemu.

Lakini kanisa hilo na wakaazi wa hapo wamekuwa wakiishi kwa hali ya wasiwasi, kufuatia makundi mbalimbali ya ubaguzi wa rangi kulitembelea kaburi hilo mara kwa mara.

Kila mwaka, katika kumbukumbu za kifo chake, makundi yanayosifu shughuli za ki-Nazi yamekuwa yakifika hapo kutoa heshima zao, na vile vile kuweka maua hapo.








Rudolf Walter Richard Hess (26 April 1894 in Alexandria, Egypt – 17 August 1987 in Berlin, Germany) was a prominent Nazi politician and official acting as Adolf Hitler's deputy in the Nazi Party during the 1930s and early 1940s. On the eve of war with the Soviet Union, he flew solo to Scotland in an attempt to negotiate peace with the United Kingdom, but instead was arrested and held in captivity for the rest of the war. Hess was tried at Nuremberg and sentenced to life in prison at Spandau Prison, Berlin, where he died in 1987.


Hess's 1941 attempt to negotiate peace and subsequent lifelong imprisonment have given rise to many theories about his motivation for flying to Scotland, and conspiracy theories about why he remained imprisoned alone at Spandau, long after all other convicts had been released. Precise and detailed information on many aspects of Hess's situation either has been withheld in confidential archives in several nations, or has disappeared outright; this has made accurate historical conclusions very problematic.[1]


On 27–28 September 2007, numerous British news services published descriptions of conflict between his Western and Soviet captors over his treatment and how the Soviet captors were steadfast in denying repeated entreaties for his release on humanitarian grounds during his last years.[2][3][4][5][6][7]

In July 2011, the remains of Rudolf Hess were exhumed from a grave in Bavaria after it became a pilgrimage for thousands of neo-nazis.Hess was born in Alexandria, Egypt, the eldest of four children, to Fritz H. Hess, a prosperous German Lutheran importer/exporter from Bavaria, and Clara (née Münch). His mother was of Greek descent, of the Georgiadis family of Alexandria. The family lived in luxury on the Egyptian coast, near Alexandria, and visited Germany often during the summers, allowing the Hess children to learn the German language and to absorb German culture. The family moved back to Germany in 1908, where Rudolf was subsequently enrolled in boarding school in Bad Godesberg, at the Evangelical School. Hess showed aptitude in science and mathematics, and expressed interest in becoming an astronomer. However, his father wished him to eventually continue the family business, Hess & Co., and in 1911 convinced Rudolf to study business for one year in Neuchatel, Switzerland, at the Ecole Superieur de Commerce

World War I



Hess joined the Hamburg trading company Feldt, Stein & Co. as an apprentice in 1912. At the outbreak of World War I he enlisted in the 7th Bavarian Field Artillery Regiment, became an infantryman and was awarded the Iron Cross, second class. He saw heavy action both on the Western Front (at Ypres and Verdun) and in the Carpathian Mountains. After being wounded on several occasions — including a chest wound severe enough to prevent his return to the front as an infantryman — he transferred to the Imperial Air Corps (after being rejected once). He then took aeronautical training and served as a pilot in an operational squadron, Jasta 35b (Bavarian), with the rank of lieutenant from 16 October 1918. He won no victories. The war ended on 11 November 1918

Marriage, family, early post-war years


On 20 December 1927 Hess married 27-year-old Ilse Pröhl (22 June 1900 – 7 September 1995) from Hannover. Together they had a son, Wolf Rüdiger Hess (18 November 1937 – 24 October 2001).

After the war the successful Hess family business collapsed and was taken over by the victorious Western allies. Hess went to Munich, and took a job at a textile importing firm.[10] He joined the Freikorps. He also joined the Thule Society, a right-wing völkisch occult-mystical organization.[11] After the end of the war, Bavaria underwent fierce infighting between right-wing groups and left-wing forces, some of which were Soviet-backed.
University, meets Hitler


In autumn of 1919, Hess left his job and enrolled in the University of Munich where he studied political science, history, economics, and geopolitics under Professor Karl Haushofer, whom he had first met in the summer of 1919 in a social setting. From their first meeting, Hess became a disciple of Karl Haushofer, the two became close friends, and their families would also become close in the ensuing years, as Hess and Karl's son Albrecht Haushofer also developed a strong friendship.[13]


After hearing Adolf Hitler, a powerful orator, speak for the first time in May 1920 at a Munich rally, Hess became completely devoted to Hitler, and spent much of his time and effort for the next several years organizing for Hitler at the local level in Bavaria. Hess joined the fledgling Nazi Party in 1920 as one of its first members. Hess introduced Karl Haushofer to Hitler in the spring of 1921, following a rally at a beerhall. This was a critical and vital development in the eventual Nazi rise to power. Haushofer and Hitler connected immediately on a personal level. Haushofer's geopolitical theories found a strong convert in Hitler, who utilized this material to form the basis of his own plans for the rebuilding of Germany; Hitler soon began using Haushofer's material in his speeches, which drew ever-larger audiences and attention. Haushofer would become a close adviser to Hitler, and assume prominence in Germany with Hitler's rise.[14]


Hess commanded an SA battalion during the Hitler-led Beer Hall Putsch in 1923, which failed. Hess served seven and a half months in Landsberg Prison; Hitler was sentenced to five years in the same prison, but eventually served just nine months. Acting as Hitler's private secretary in prison, Hess transcribed and partially edited Hitler's book Mein Kampf. While in prison, Hitler and Hess were frequently visited and tutored by Karl Haushofer.[15] Hess also introduced Hitler at early Nazi Party rallies.

Hess retained his interest in flying after the end of his active military career, and competed successfully in several races during the 1920s and 1930s.
Hitler's deputy


Eventually, Hess became the third-most powerful man in Germany, behind Hitler and Hermann Göring. Soon after Hitler assumed dictatorial powers, beginning in early 1933, Hess was named "Deputy to the Fuhrer". Hess had a privileged position as Hitler's deputy in the early years of the Nazi movement and in the early years of the Third Reich. For instance, he had the power to take "merciless action" against any defendant who he thought got off too lightly — especially in cases of those found guilty of attacking the party, Hitler or the state. Hess also played a prominent part in the creation of the Nuremberg Laws in 1935. Hitler biographer John Toland described Hess' political insight and abilities as somewhat limited.


Hess had extensive dealings with senior leaders of major European nations during the 1930s. His education, family man image, high office, and calm, forthright manner all served to make him the more respectful and respectable representative of the often otherwise crude and vulgar Nazis. Compared with other Nazi leaders, Hess had a good reputation among foreign leaders.[1]

Within Germany, Hess was somewhat marginalized as the 1930s progressed, as foreign policy took greater prominence. His alienation increased during the early years of the war, as attention and glory were focused on military leaders, along with Göring, Joseph Goebbels and Heinrich Himmler. Those three Nazi leaders in particular had much higher profiles than Hess. Though Hess worshipped Hitler more than the others, he was not nakedly ambitious and did not crave power in the same manner they did. However, as the Deputy Fuhrer, he was definitely not a figurehead. Hess held as much power as the other Nazi leaders, if not more, under Hitler. He controlled who could get an audience with the Fuhrer, as well as passing and vetoing proposed bills, and managing party activities.[17] Hitler appointed Hess as "Minister Without Portfolio".[1]


On 1 September 1939, the day Germany invaded Poland and launched World War II, Hitler announced that should anything happen to both him and Göring, Hess would be next in the line of succession.[18]

Hess ordered a mapping of all the ley lines in the Third Reich

Death and legacy



On 17 August 1987, Hess died while under Four Power imprisonment at Spandau Prison in West Berlin, at the age of 93. He was found in a summer house in a garden located in a secure area of the prison with an electrical cord wrapped around his neck. His death was ruled a suicide by asphyxiation. He was buried at Wunsiedel in a Hess family grave plot sold to his family by the Vetters of the Sechsämtertropfen bitter liquor company of Wunsiedel. Spandau Prison was subsequently demolished to prevent it from becoming a shrine.[41][42]

Neo-Nazis from Germany and Europe held gatherings in Wunsiedel for a memorial march and similar demonstrations that took place every year around the anniversary of Hess's death. These gatherings were banned from 1991 to 2000 and neo-Nazis tried to assemble in other cities and countries (such as the Netherlands and Denmark). Demonstrations in Wunsiedel were again legalised in 2001. After stricter German legislation regarding demonstrations by neo-Nazis was enacted in March 2005, the demonstrations were banned again. Hess's grave, with its epitaph "Ich hab's gewagt" ("I dared"), was re-opened on the morning of 20 July 2011 and his remains exhumed then cremated. Soon afterwards his ashes were scattered at sea.[43][44] The intention was that this would stop future demonstrations around the anniversary of Hess's death.[45]


Hess was the last surviving member of Hitler's cabinet.